A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INDEPENDENCE AND POST-INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTIONS IN NIGERIA

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INDEPENDENCE AND POST-INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTIONS IN NIGERIA

INTRODUCTION

The conference which became the last constitutional conference held before the attainment of Independence in 1960, also took place in London from September 29 to October 27, 1958. The resumed constitutional conference of 1958 was the last Nigerian constitutional conference held before the attainment of Independence in 1960. It was convened to consider the report of the Willink’s commission on the minority the conference resolved among other issues, that the Northern part of Nigeria should be self-governing by 1959 and that if a resolution was passed by the parliament asking for independence, in 1960, then her majesty government would propose a bill of independence in 1960. In December, 1959, a nationwide general election was held into the Federal House of Representatives. In the election, no single party won an over all majority as was the case in 1954, while in September, 1960, the parliament has enacted a law on Nigeria’s independence.

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Jun 06

An Assessment On Coscharis Group Of Company 1970-2010

An assessment on Coscharis group of company 1970-2010

Maduka formally ventured into business at the age of 17 after being wrongly dismissed with the sum of N200.00 by his uncle who had earlier engaged him as an automobile apprentice. He co-founded a spare parts company known as CosDave with his friend named Dave.[9][10] The startup also failed sooner than expected and Maduka went to found the Coscharis Motor with the sum of three hundred naira (N300) which focused sales of automobile spare parts in 1977. The name of the company according to him is a combination of his first name, Cosmos and his wife, Charity, whom he married at age 21. Maduka business breakthrough started in 1982, when the Nigeria government granted ten (10) motor companies import license, which Coscharis was selected.[8] Today the Coscharis Group is a conglomerate with a net-worth of $500million with several subsidiaries including Manufacturing, ICT, Petrochemical, Auto care and Auto Components, Automobile Sales and Services, Agric and Agro Allied business sectors. Coscharis Motors is a leading distributors of several brands of luxuries cars including Range Rover, Ford and Jaguar.[11]In 2015, Coscharis Motors became the sole distributors of the BMW in Nigeria and the first company to build an Assembly Plant of Ford Ranger in Nigeria and won the Auto Brand of the Year at the Marketing World Awards held in Ghana. In 2016 the Anambra State approved 5000 hectare of land for Coscharis Farms to cultivate rice, the project has been reported to generate 3000 jobs upon completion.[12] The Coscharis Group is rated one of the top 50 brands in Nigeria by Top 50 Brands Nigeria.Maduka attributed his success in business to his affiliation with the Japanese. According to Maduka his early close contact with the Japanese made him develop the values of commitment, humility, precision and hard work which were fundamental to his success in business. He had promised to acknowledge in his autobiography.Cosmas Maduka seats on the board of several reputable companies and organization. He served as a Director in Access Bank Plc., one of the leading banks in Nigeria for 12 years from 2000–2012

NEW PROJECT TOPICS AND RESEARCH MATERIALS
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Aug 22

Nigerians Relation with United States 2009-2020

Evaluation of Nigerians relation with United States 2009-2020

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

Foreign policy is an essential tool with which states relateto states and non-states actors in the international system Levy (2013). .The foreign policy is set of tools which are used to pursue and achieve country’s national interests.Foreign Policy of Nigerian state has continued to change under different governments and leaders. This is usually influenced by the type of government and to a great extent personality of the countries leader Fawcett (2016).

            From independence, where Nigeria pursue a non-aligned foreign policy under Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Under Yakubu Gowon 1966-1975 the country was plagued with civil war, but his foreign policy was also Afrocentric in nature, Murtala Mohammed and Olusegun Obasanjo 1975-1979 the government pursued a radical foreign policy which was aimed at liberation of African states from clutches of apartheid and colonialism and reducing the influence of Western capitalist countries, Shehu Shagari 1979-1983 continued with the Afrocentric policy and also liberal policy, Muhammadu Buhari 1983-1985 chose to follow foreign policy of Murtala/Obasanjo foreign policy which was radical in nature Aning et al (2017)

            Ibrahim Babangida 1985-1993 foreign policy was seen mainly as pro-western countries which led to the acceptance of Structural Adjustment Programs and also its economic diplomacy, Sani Abacha 1993-1998 choose to pursue an isolation foreign policy which meant Nigeria had limited engagement with outside world. Olusegun Obasanjo 1999-2007 decided to re-open Nigeria to the world after isolation of Sani Abacha government, his foreign policy was hinged on shuttle diplomacy which was aimed at economic development, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan 2007-2015 foreign policy was opened and encourages relations with other countries around the world, and its policy was hinged on citizen diplomacy, Muhammadu Buhari 2015-Present foreign policy is also hinged on improving relations with neighbors and to maintain ties with the United States among other countries in the world.

            As a Head of Government under a military government General Buhari pursued a radical foreign policy which led confrontation with Nigeria neighbours, radical countering of colonial and apartheid governments on the continent. President Buhari assumed shuttle diplomacy between different countries immediately after assuming office in 2015 he was referred at as “Jet-Setting President”, this was attributed mainly to the fact he spent a quarter of first 100 days in office in different countries. The president upon inauguration assumed the responsibility of been countries chief diplomat and foreign policy officer to re-launch Nigeria into the international community. This is mostly attributed to the international environment Buhari found himself, this situation was characterised by dwindling oil prices, terrorism and counter-terrorism, nuclear deals and neoliberalism among others Aning, K., Abdallah, M., & Kofi, F. (2017)

It is on premises of the above background that this research seek  to understand the change of foreign policy direction of  Nigeria with China from  of 2009-2020.

Statement of the Problem

This study, while corroborating Robinson, in Roseau (1969) that the primary interest of all nations is security of national territory and in safeguarding the lives and values of the citizens (wherever they may choose to live), observed that African-centered foreign policy of Nigeria had not adequately safeguarded her citizens‟ lives and values. While Okolie (2007) also refers to foreign policy as protecting, maximizing and promoting the prescribed national interest of a given state, the work equally observed that the Afrocentric foreign policy of Nigeria had not adequately protected, maximized and promoted our national interest in favour of her citizens. Furthermore, it is observed that, despite the conservative African-centered foreign policy adopted since independence, progress, prosperity and survival of Nigerians at home and in the Diaspora had not been well promoted. More so, as Eke (2009) noted that every state‟s interest is dictated by the interests and core values of its citizens.

 Research Question

1.      What are the nature of Nigeria’s foreign relations that exist between Nigeria and US  under president Goodluck and Buhari   ?

2.      How has  Nigeria foreign policy and bilateral security relations with other countries improved  under Muhammadu buhari?

3.      Are there any positive influences of  Nigeria- US  Relations  from 2009-2020?

4.      What are the nature of relationship that Nigeria-United States enjoy since Buhari took over power in 2015?

5.      What are the nature of diplomatic relations between Nigeria-US ?

Significance Of The Study

This work is significant because it  investigate the Nigerian Foreign Policy relations with US  From 2009-2020. And the recommendations will help subsequent administrations to improve human condition especially in Nigeria.

It will also help Nigeria to place the national interests at the forefront while pursuing her foreign policy.

However, it has been stated in this work that foreign policy does not favour a country that is backward technologically. Therefore, this work will also help to encourage the government on the need to develop the nation technologically in order to achieve her national interests in this era of globalization.

This research finding will also help to change the way people think about the status of Nigeria as a ‘giant of Africa’ which plays a major role in peace-keeping operations in Africa. Many Nigerians who are boastful of Nigerian peace keeping operations in Africa without considering its impact on the country would have a rethink.

Research Methodology

This paper utilises secondary sources of data for the research; this includes journals, relevant books, periodicals, newspapers reports, internet sources, government releases, and pronouncement.

Scope and Limitations

This study is investigates Nigerian Foreign Policy Under with a special references of reviewing the nature of foreign policy between Nigeria US from 2009 to 2020

Financial constraint- Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection from secondary sources

Time constraint- The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work.

Definition of Terms

Global security: is the efforts taken by the community of nations to protect against threats which are transnational in nature.

Security: this is an investment vehicle offered by an insurance company, that guarantees a stream of fixed payments over the life of the annuity.

Foreign policy: is the manner and objectives that are important for establishing and maintaining relationships with other countries and people of other lands.

Policy: A plan or course of action, as of a government, political party, or business, intended to influence and determine decisions, actions, and other matters

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Jun 25

THE EFFECTS OF ARMED CONFLICT IN THE CONDUCT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN AFRICA

THE EFFECTS OF ARMED CONFLICT IN THE CONDUCT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN AFRICA

INTRODUCTION

Armed conflict has been a recurring reality in the analysis of postcolonial Africa. According to Lindemann (2008), since the 60s, a total of 24 sub-Saharan African countries (i.e., almost 50% of African states) have suffered war, while 22 other countries have managed to “avoid it”. “Freedom wars”, “intractable wars”, “proxy wars” (substitute wars or wars controlled from abroad, typical conflicts of the context of bipolar dispute) or “post-Cold War conflicts” have sparked a major review of its causes and consequences, sometimes very biased and reductionist, based on very different sources, methodologies and data. Nevertheless, most sources agree that Africa has experienced a substantial decline in the number of “major armed conflicts” in recent years. For example, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) states that if in 1990 there were “major armed conflicts” in Africa, this figure had dropped to just one in 2007 (Somalia). In total, this agency estimates that since the end of the Cold War a total of 14 armed conflicts can be counted in Africa, namely: Algeria, Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire), Republic of the Congo, Eritrea-Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda.2 Some of these contexts, according to the cyclical dynamic of violence that often characterizes many armed conflicts, are still undergoing noteworthy episodes of violence, for example, the events of the last months of 2008 in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, or the serious situation in the Sudanese region of Darfur. Other conflicts appear to be nearing their closing stages, as is the case of Uganda, while the events taking place in the Niger Delta region in Nigeria also deserve special attention due to the periodic high levels of violence, destruction and fatalities reached. Although we are aware that by referring only to the major armed conflicts we have left out other conflict situations on the continent, the fact is that this approach enables us to focus on the common characteristics of these conflicts. Although the vast majority are regarded as intrastate conflict type (except the dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia between 1998 and 2000), they are also highly regionalised conflicts. Similarly, they are conflicts occurring in contexts more and more internationalized and transnationalized. At different levels, not only at direct contenders level, a large number of actors are involved either in their management and / or resolution (UN, NGOs, etc.), either in their dynamics (third countries, private security companies, natural resource companies, etc.), creating complex networks linking local armed factions with actors of very different nature (Duffield, 2001). From this, it follows that the war in Africa has had an extremely significant humanitarian and socio-economic impact. The estimations only in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are that

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