An evaluation of the implications of artificial intelligence on humanity in future

An evaluation of the implications of artificial intelligence on humanity in future

INTRODUCTION

Digital life is augmenting human capacities and disrupting eons-old human activities. Code-driven systems have spread to more than half of the world’s inhabitants in ambient information and connectivity, offering previously unimagined opportunities and unprecedented threats. As emerging algorithm-driven artificial intelligence (AI) continues to spread, will people be better off than they are today?

Some 979 technology pioneers, innovators, developers, business and policy leaders, researchers and activists answered this question in a canvassing of experts conducted in the summer of 2018.

The experts predicted networked artificial intelligence will amplify human effectiveness but also threaten human autonomy, agency and capabilities. They spoke of the wide-ranging possibilities; that computers might match or even exceed human intelligence and capabilities on tasks such as complex decision-making, reasoning and learning, sophisticated analytics and pattern recognition, visual acuity, speech recognition and language translation. They said “smart” systems in communities, in vehicles, in buildings and utilities, on farms and in business processes will save time, money and lives and offer opportunities for individuals to enjoy a more-customized future.

Many focused their optimistic remarks on health care and the many possible applications of AI in diagnosing and treating patients or helping senior citizens live fuller and healthier lives. They were also enthusiastic about AI’s role in contributing to broad public-health programs built around massive amounts of data that may be captured in the coming years about everything from personal genomes to nutrition. Additionally, a number of these experts predicted that AI would abet long-anticipated changes in formal and informal education systems.

Yet, most experts, regardless of whether they are optimistic or not, expressed concerns about the long-term impact of these new tools on the essential elements of being human. All respondents in this non-scientific canvassing were asked to elaborate on why they felt AI would leave people better off or not. Many shared deep worries, and many also suggested pathways toward solutions. The main themes they sounded about threats and remedies are outlined in the accompanying table.

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A CRITIQUE OF JEREMY BENTHAM’S IDEA OF LAW

A CRITIQUE OF JEREMY BENTHAM’S IDEA OF LAW

INTRODUCTION

The concept of law has always been controversial leading to all kinds of theorizing. This has constituted a problem to an easy understanding of law because law has been viewed and interpreted differently by different thinkers. Foremost in the understanding of law are issues such as correct interpretation, judicial precedence, justice and fairness, punishment and its limits, the rule of law and its preservation, legal knowledge and ignorance, and chiefly, obedience to the law for the survival of  the community. These were some of the factors that led Bentham to propose his own theory of law using Hedonistic calculus.

Jeremy Bentham saw human nature as the seeking of pleasure and avoidance of pain. Laws therefore to him are a way to control people’s action through the fear of pain and punishment.   For Jeremy Bentham, the existence of laws and morality can be explained through human nature. According to his theory of psychological hedonism, there are two main forces that drives human nature and explains why people act the way they do; pleasure and pain.

All people tend to avoid pain and to seek out pleasure in their daily living. This view of human nature is different from that of other thinkers such as Locke who said that human nature can be explained through natural law and the social contract. Jeremy Bentham says that his view of human nature is positivistic and is not theoretical as other views of human nature and can easily be used practically for legislative and political purposes. Hedonic calculus is Bentham’s method of making decisions based upon the amount of pain and pleasured caused by the out come of decisions.

It will also set a standard to understand the position of Bentham on his ideas of law and to see from the stand point of philosophical speculations, criticism and analysis what gains there is that can benefit from his doctrines, ideas and theories. Also, society must be organized in a way that lives and properties can be protected hence the introduction of a legal system that will checkmate and curb the excessive of some people.

For him, it is the job of the legislators to make sure that the laws enacted promotes the greatest amount of pleasure and happiness for the greatest number of people. Since human nature is pleasure seeking and pain avoiding, it is the job of the state to use their knowledge to create laws that will maximize pleasure and minimize pain for every one. Punishment is used to control because it causes pain which people would avoid at all cost.

This work will examine Bentham’s idea of law, from critical point of view to ascertain if Bentham’s prescription will indeed work by making people to avoid the wrong and do what is right because of the fear of pain.

In the book political thought by C-L Wayper, the author tries to analyse Bentham’s idea of utility, the state and its importance. For Bentham, everything that brings happiness is good. An adherent to the principle of utility, he says “holds virtue to be a good thing by reason only of the pleasures which result from the practice of it; he esteems vice to be a bad thing by reason only of the pains which follows in its train” (Wayper, 89).

The doctrine of utility, therefore is a hedonistic doctrine. Moving from the principle of utility, the utilitarian explanation of the state is a complete explanation in terms of an unlimited end. The state, utilitarian tells us of a group of person’s organized for the promotion and maintenance of utility, that is happiness or pleasure. This principle of utility, not any inherently improbable contracts, is all that is needed to explain why men obey the state. Bentham and the utilitarian tells us in what way the state is perculiar, it is the sole source of law, which is the most certain of the four sanctions, or overriding motives, which govern the lives of men.

For Bentham, the state is primarily a law-making body. (Wayper, 94). A group of persons organized for the promotion and maintenance of happiness, and acting through law to that end. Law is a command and restraints, and as such is opposed to liberty, its great task is to reconcile interests so as to regulate the motive of self interest that it shall operate, even against its will, towards the production of the greatest happiness. This is done by attaching artificial pains, or punishment to certain actions of a particular kind which would not be conducive to the general happiness.

Furthermore, because law is a command, it must be the command of a supreme authority. Indeed, it is only when such an authority is habitually obeyed that Bentham is prepared to admit the existence of civil society.

In the book history of western philosophy, Betrand Russel spoke of Bentham that he wished to establish a code of laws and more generally, a social system which would automatically make men virtuous. Bentham maintained that what is good is pleasure or happiness, he used these words as synonyms and what is bad is pains. Therefore one state of affairs is better than another if it involves a greater balance of pleasure over pain, or a smaller balance of pain over pleasure of all possible states of affairs, that one is best that is that which involves the greatest balance of pleasure over pain (Russel, 741).

Bentham held not only that the good is happiness in general but also that each individual always pursue what he believes to be his own happiness. The business of the legislator, therefore, is the produce harmony between public and private interest. It is to the interest of the public that I should abstain from theft, but it is not my interest except where there is an effective criminal law. Thus, the criminal law is a method of making the interest of the individual coincide with these of the community; that is its justification. Men are to be punished by the criminal law in order to prevent crime, not because we hate the criminal. It is more important that the punishment should be certain than that it should be severe. In Bentham’s day, in England, many quite minor offences were subject to the death penalty, with the result that juries often refund to convict because they thought the penalty is excessive. Bentham advocated abolition of the death penalty for all but the mitigated in this respect, finally Bentham says civil law should have four aims; subsistence, abundance, security and equality (Russel, 742).

In the book, A History of political theory the authors Sabine and Thorson gave an indepth analysis of Bentham’s theory of law. They opine that the greatest happiness, as Bentham believed, placed in the hands of skillful legislator a practically universal instrument, with it, we can “rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reason and law” (Sabine and Thorson, 617). This provides the theory of basic human nature, both its valuation and its motivations, which Bentham supposed to be applicable at all times and all places. The legislator needs to know only the special circumstances of time and place that have produced peculiar customs and habits and he can then control behaviour by allocating pains and penalties to produce the must desirable results.

The only limitations upon the method which Bentham recognized were psychological and ethical fixing on the one hand what the law can do and on the others, what it is wisely try to do. Bentham’s jurisprudence consisted in the systematic application to all branches of the law, civil and criminal, and to the procedural law and the organisation of the judicial system. In the field of criminal law the principle of utility provided, as Bentham believed, a natural method of arriving at a rational theory of penalties (Sabine and Thorson, 618-619). The technical method starts from the assumption that crime “deserves” punishment, but the concept of desert is essentially indefinable except in terms of existing practices and ideas. The natural method, on the contrary, starts from the principle that punishment is always an evil, since it causes pain, and is justified only in so far as it either prevents a greater future evil or repairs an evil already done. The rule that a law must be judged by the incidence of its effect on human beings, and so far as possible on assignable individuals, was a sound liberal principle and this was part of Bentham’s jurisprudence.

In the book The Enduring Questions: Main problems in philosophy, Maduine Rader devoted a section to the principle of morals and legislation. The author focuses on Bentham’s utilitarianism and his idea of law. He started with the idea that nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure (Rader, 567). It further tries to point out what we ought to do, as well as to determine what we shall do. They govern us in all we do, in al we say, in all we think. The principle of utility recognizes the subjection and assumes it for the foundation of that system, the object of which is to rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reasons and of law systems which attempt to question it, deal in sounds instead of sense, in caprice instead of reason, in darkness instead of light. A measure of government which is but a particular kind of action performed by a particular persons or persons, may be said to be conformable or dictated by the principle of utility, when in like manner the tendency which it has to argument the happiness of the community is greater than any which it has diminish it (Rader 568).

In the book Philosophy made simple, Pokin and Stroll devoted an aspect of the works of Bentham especially on his ideas on the principles of utility and law. The authors make the claim that the British criminal code was considerately improved because of the efforts of Bentham and his group. Bentham opposed both monarchy and hereditary, aristocracy, advocated complete democracy, including women’s suffrage, and opposed British materialism in India and the other colonies (Pokin and Stroll, 33).

Utilitarianism has often been regarded as a political philosophy which entails democratic government as a political institution. The great utilitarian fought for civil liberties and for women’s Suffrage, for the conduct of government by law. In regarding each man as of equal importance in calculating the amount of pleasure and pain an action evoked, their views came to be identified with the democratic tenet that each man count equally before the law. And since the rightness or wrongness of an act is to be determined by how it affects the majority this seems to point to rule by the majority, another provision of democracy (Pokin and Stroll, 35).

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Appraisal of Thomistic political philosophy as a solution to bad government

Appraisal of Thomistic political philosophy as a solution to bad government

CHAPTERONE/ INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study Thomas Hobbes’s political philosophy takes, as it’s starting point a pessimistic view of man’s nature. For Hobbes, the basic motivation of mankind is “a perpetual and restless desire of power after power, that ceaseth only in death.”‘ Given the Universality of this desire for power, life in the state of nature, before the imposition of civil laws backed by sovereign force, must be a perpetual struggle for the possessions, supremacy and glory.

Thus, the outcome of man’s productive effort is always uncertain, and life is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.”To avoid this intolerable situation conjectured Hobbes, men following the dictates of natural law, seeking peace, renounced some of their rights or freedoms to a single sovereign authority, by entering into a social contract or covenant thereby creating an artificial man, that a. great Leviathan, called a commonwealth or state. Hobbes’s account does not point to any single form of government. But he does insist, however, that whatever form the sovereign body takes, its authority must be absolute, unlimited and irrevocable. Hobbes’s theory of absolute sovereignty was presented to us as a fiat, meant to be a general theory for all human society, but in Igala political thought, power and authority belong to all.

 

Thomas Hobbes‟s ideas on corruption have been largely overlooked. My first aim is thus to uncover Hobbes‟s understanding of corruption. Hobbes uses the term over 100 times, and textual analysis shows that he often talks of what I will call „cognitive‟ corruption – the distortion of mental processes, by faulty reasoning or improper attitudes.

 

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ANALYSIS OF THE NIGERIAN FEDERAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT

ANALYSIS OF THE NIGERIAN FEDERAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

Soren Kierkegaard is regarded as the father of contemporary existentialism. Existentialism, according to J. I. Omoregbe (39) deals “with concrete existence as opposed to essence”. This means, for the existentialists, existence precedes essence. Kierkegaard, described by Wittgenstein (cited in Pattison, 1) is “by far the most profound thinker of the last century”. His notion of human existence stems from the fact that Hegel metaphysical idealism presented human existence in an abstract, objective form. Kierkegaard saw Hegel’s philosophy “as inadequate because it shifted attention away from the concrete individual to the concept of universal” (Ozumba 86). For Ozumba (86) this implies that Hegel “merely invited humans to think instead of seeing them as existent being that should be involved in decisions and commitment that have bearing to their individuality and existence”. Kierkegaard’s thought also served as a reaction against speculative philosophy.

In his reaction, Kierkegaard built his existential thought in such a manner that it tended to become “a clarification of issue and an appeal to choose, an attempt to get men to see their existential situation and the great alternatives with which they are faced” (Copleston 336). Kierkegaard’s quest was to dismiss the conception of human existence from abstract object to questions that confront the individual as an existing being. Questions such as: What is the meaning of human life? How can one live authentically as a human person? What is the meaning of human freedom? How can one use his freedom in the face of moral chaos?, are pertinent. Kierkegaard understood existence as a distinctive way of being, and that humans often focus on thought of a group to the detriment of their own unique individuality. Other than being an authentic individual, he is therefore subsumed in the crowd, thus, losing his individual self to abstract objective and societal control. In this sense, what it means, therefore, to be an authentic human being forms energetic question prompting this research on Soren Kierkegaard.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The question of human existence has attracted so many considerations. There are some who approached it from the point of view of its absurdity and meaninglessness. Most of such people are atheists like Martin Heidegger, with Albert Camus and Jean Paul Sartre who played down very much, the essence of human existence as Hegel also did. However, there is the other group of existentialists who discussed human existence as a worthwhile venture. Such include the chief founder of contemporary existentialism in the person of Soren Kierkegaard. These philosophers expounded certain existential tenets which according to Lescoe (9) are geared towards “analyzing the basic structures of human existence and to call individuals to an awareness of their existence in its essential freedom”.

The problem of human existence is related wholly to this concept of freedom. Its use and abuse makes and mars man respectively. This is because freedom remains the pivot upon which man asserts himself. It is his relationship to this that categorizes him either as authentic or inauthentic individual. Thus, the measure of the meaningfulness or meaninglessness of life is highly subjective but whichever way it is determined by the degree of commitment which one puts in as he tries to assert himself by the exercise of freedom.

Another question to be examined here remains whether one can live authentically when one has no authentic relation to the community which Kierkegaard regard as the crowd? It also takes into consideration the question of freedom and choice, man’s quest for existential meaning and Kierkegaard’s analysis of man’s stages on life way.

It is therefore in a bid to clarify some of these mind-bogging issues that the researcher is out to expose what Kierkegaard considers to be the gauge or the standard of meaningful human existence. With this in view, the work is a confrontation of man with the naked facts of his freedom and duty through which he makes the best out of his life as an individual.

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