Banditry in Nigeria; its implications on Nigeria’s international image

Introduction

While the banditry situation is seen as an internal issue, it has a significant influence on Nigeria’s exterior image. Nigeria’s assaults on government property, unarmed citizens, hijacking, and bombing make it seem reckless and ludicrous in the eyes of the committee of countries. To other nations, it seems as if the cult is being accommodated by the state and political elite.

The governing class’s seeming irresponsibility and failure to seek an ultimate solution and credible but long-term solutions to this dilemma generate an unsafe image of a nation feared by foreign investors and peace-loving inhabitants of other countries.

Nigeria has been deemed dangerous by the United States of America. Attitudes of Nigeria’s political elite and state must have contributed to this result in part. In reaction, the US threatened that it will reduce the personnel strength of its embassies in Nigeria. Indeed, a November 2011 congressional study warned that banditry posed a “growing danger” to the United States and its interests in Nigeria. This is another instance of an image issue.

The British state has responded with skepticism. (2012, The Times, p. 6). While it has not issued a formal criticism, it has not shied away from warning its nationals about Nigeria’s instability. Nigerians, on their part, have displayed a lack of trust in the governing elite. Saliu Lukman said, “The Nigerian government must be honest, transparent, and receptive to Nigerians.” (2012, The Guardian, p. 2). This was advise, but Chukwuemeka Ezeifa’s stance was more instructive. He said that “the rod must be wielded more vehemently, and the rule of Nigeria’s existence must be implemented” ( The Punch, 2012: p-2). Both viewpoints agreed that the administration was incapable of rising to the crisis’s challenge. This is a show of dissatisfaction with the Nigerian administration. This demonstrates the Nigerian state’s insignificance in this environment, as well as the government’s incapacity. Additionally, it exacerbates the global community’s anxieties in general.

Recently, the Banditry sect invited the Nigerian government and a few statesmen to a conversation, and the sect also established the meeting’s framework and location. The mail included several threats. “By sending this letter of invitation to our revered elders, we are demonstrating to the administration that we are not kidding with them, and we are expecting their answer.” The circumstance paints an image of someone who has been abused, fostered, and confined.

This partially explains the recent decline in the number of people arriving in Nigeria from western nations.

RECOMMENDATIONS

 

The study discovered that in the majority of situations, state military, police, and other security organizations are incapable of providing critical protection against marauders, robbers, and armed bandits. Individuals, communities, and government security organizations were forced to find methods and techniques of containing and regulating such situations as a consequence of such assaults by armed bandits. Failure of government security agents to protect citizens from incessant attacks by armed bandits may be interpreted as a breach of the government’s own part of the social contract, resulting in social unrest when victims become frustrated and their efforts are ineffective in curtailing and preventing further acts of armed banditry. In light of this, the following short and long term initiatives are proposed for inclusion in policies, methods, and means of combating cross-border armed banditry.

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Oct 06

AN APPRAISAL OF UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION IN IRAQ

UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION IN IRAQ

Overview

The UN Security Council, largely handicapped by the Cold War until the late 1980s, has become considerably more proactive over the last twenty-five years. The results are mixed.

One constant for the Council since 1980 is that it has been at grips with conflicts involving Iraq – conflicts with Iraq’s neighbours and also internal strife prior to and particularly since 2003. Every instrument at the Council’s disposal, in- cluding all the coercive ones, have been invoked at one time or another against authorities in Iraq or to assist them. After a promising beginning in helping to end the Iran-Iraq war (1980-88), and in mandating the expulsion of Iraqi forces from Kuwait, which Baghdad had sought to annex in 1990, the Council’s silent tolerance of intrusive interna- tional humanitarian activities in Iraq’s Kurdish provinces as of 1991 was ground-breaking.

Nevertheless, the Council’s post-war strategy for Iraq outlined in Resolution 687 of 1991 wound up over-reaching, involved serious unintended consequences arising from an overzealous sanctions regime (and a related humanitar- ian program the UN did not possess the administrative machinery to oversee effectively), and eventually sundered relations among the Permanent Five (P-5) members of the Council through a series of fractious episodes from 1988 to 2003.

This working paper outlines a three-decade span of Security Council resolutions, actions and impasses on Iraq, investigating closely the period of diplomatic confrontation in 2002-2003 culminating in unilateral military action to remove Saddam Hussein from power by the US, the UK and a very few others without a mandate from the Council to do so. The UN was subsequently mostly side-lined in and on Iraq.

The paper considers damage to perceptions of the Council legitimacy stemming from the events of 2002-2003 and assesses its evolving approach to international security in Iraq and beyond since then.

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Apr 19

NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY UNDER PRESIDENT MUHAMMAD BUHARI FROM 2015-2020

NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY UNDER PRESIDENT MUHAMMAD BUHARI FROM 2015-2020

 

CHAPTER ONE/INTRODUCTION

The framework of Nigerian foreign policy formed the basic perception how it sees the world from ideological, political, economic, and religious standpoints. These factors decide its foreign policy response to regional and continental affairs. Nigeria is a key player in West Africa sub-region, Africa, and global stage, especially in the activities of the regional inter-governmental organization ECOWAS. Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS regional agenda is based on Afrocentric foreign policy doctrine which is the premise of its foreign policy direction after attaining independence to support the cause of African countries struggling for independence in the 1960s. Nigerian Afrocentric foreign policy doctrine was effective at the regional level which was directed at its West African neighbors because Nigeria sees the West African region as its natural territory.

The Afrocentric foreign policy doctrine is the cardinal point of Nigerian foreign policy direction over the years. According to Akintola, Nigeria has maintained a relatively consistent foreign policy because the country had experienced varied forms of government within this period. Right from independence Africa was the centerpiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy with emphasis on the emancipation, development, and unity of Africans both within and outside the continent (Akintola, 2007, p.439).

The enormous contribution of Nigeria to regional development coincided to the emergence of ECOWAS in 1975 as an inter-governmental regional organization. The effort was to prove its ability to play a larger role in the international community beyond the West African region. The end of the bipolar world in the 1990s allowed regional state actors to play more active role in regional affairs, which also gave rise to Nigerian influence in West African regional affairs. In the assessment of Otunbajo, Nigeria could play a leadership role in Africa because of the dwindled strategic significance of major external powers (Otunbajo, 1989). However, Nigerian foreign policy towards ECOWAS is two-level approach through bilateral and multilateral diplomatic dealing with state actors in regional affairs. Thus, foreign policy is a plan of action adopted by one nation regarding its diplomatic dealings with other countries. Foreign policy is established as a systemic way to deal with issues that may arise with other countries (Business Dictionary, 2017).

The contemporary globalization agenda of the world system, no nation can afford to be in isolation in thisperiod of uneven distribution of scarce natural resources and human labor in this era of interdependence. Emphasis is now attached to the foreign policy direction of a nation.Accordingly, foreign policy has a range of actions, as well as a set of principles influencing these actions, taken regarding external situations and factors, the summation of thoughts, actions, and principles on external affairs taken by decision-makers with the intention of achieving long-range goals and short-term objective(Frankel, 1978). The aim of this article is to analytically review Nigerian foreign policy towards ECOWAS as an inter-governmental organization in the West African region within the framework of 1975-2017.

Background To The Study

Brief Historical Background of Nigerian foreign policy formation

Nigerian foreign policy evolution is tied to its political-ideological foundation as ex-colony of Great Britain. Its early role in the international scene was dictated by its ex-colonial administrator Great Britain even after becoming an independent nation on 1st October 1960. Nigerian first Prime Minister Abubakar Tafa Balewa is the pioneering government official whose efforts at foreign policy-making and implementation laid the groundwork of Nigeria’s role and influence in international politics, and unconsciously, casting a part and credible image for the country in the community of nations. Since gaining independence, Nigerian foreign policy has progressed despite setback along its political and developmental stages which include decolonization, regime change from civilian to the military; unitary, federal, parliamentary, and presidential systems of government, the endless transition to democratic rule.

Howbeit, the presence of Nigeria as a newly independent nation became known at the international political front because of its membership of various international organizations, according to Adebajo, et al, (2008) Nigeria is a member of the United Nations, Commonwealth of Nations, Non-Alignment Movement, pioneer member of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and equally played an instrumental role in its eventual transformation into the African Union (AU) in 2002 (Adebajo, et al, 2008). Meanwhile, the work of most historical researchers concerning African affairs analyzed it from a historical perspective that, most African countries foreign policies were influenced by ex-colonial administrators in the early stages after they got independence. They argue that the development was due to political link and economic dependence on their ex-colonial administrators by countries in the continenteven after the end of colonial rule. This observation madeBondarenkosaid that most African nations’ foreign policies are patterned in line with colonial ideology having been colonized by most of the European countries, thus trying to create an identity for themselves but still have a strong tie with their colonial administrators (Bondarenko, 2008, p.3).

Furthermore, Nigeria colonial history as a former British colony and a member of the Commonwealth invariably constrained Nigeria’s predisposition to be pro-Western on most issues despite its nonaligned status to avoid neocolonialism (Folarin, 2010). In fairness, Nigeria’s independence in 1960 came at the period of the Cold War. Nigeria, thus, celebrating its new status as an independent country with a bright prospect based on its available natural resources and its human potential spread across the board was caught in the contention between the superpower nations dilemma. Nigeria found a relief in the foreign policy of non-alignment which was informed both by its refusal not to take sides in the battle of supremacy and by its membership of the OAU [Shaw, et al, 1983]. This neutral stand by Nigeria became necessary during the cold war because the fight for independence among African countries formed the core of their foreign policy in this era. While the end of the Cold War resulted in a fundamental change in the dynamics of contemporary international relations. Nigeria was notably at the forefront of this fight along with most African countries as anti-colonialism became the most obvious and consistent, and all-embracing common denominator of African foreign policy at the time ([Ibid: Otubanjo, 1989).

Besides, the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs is a statutory body saddled with the responsibility to reinforce foreign decision making and implementation processes in Nigeria and handle the external promotion of Nigeria’s domestic and foreign visions and ideas in conjunction with specialized agencies in helping to formulate these ideas such as the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and other statutory bodies. Although, at the early stage of Nigeria’s nationhood, the ex-colonial authority was still dictating Nigerian foreign policy abroad. Thus, the enduring nature of the British influence on Nigeria’s foreign policy and its ruling elites continued until the late 1960s when the lessons of the civil war of 1967-1970 compelled Nigeria foreign policy elites to reappraise its stand towards external relations (Nuamah, 2003, p.4). The historiography of Nigeria’s foreign policy since the formation of ECOWAS can be classified into two broad phases which are the formative stage of ECOWAS when Nigeria was mostly under military rule and the second stage when Nigeria returned to democratic rule.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The goal of every foreign policy is to establish and maintain a cordial relationship with other nations as well as to build a good image for a nation and meet its national and domestic interests. This invariably means that a good foreign policy is important in formulating, maintaining and sustaining a nation‟s positive image. However, Nigeria‟s reputation is at a very low ebb under the Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari‟s administrations. It is alleged that violent crimes is a bane of Nigeria‟s development. The Boko Haram terrorism, the Niger Delta crises, and the IPOB agitations have earned Nigeria a place amongst the least safe countries of the world (Martin, 2016). The violent crimes perpetrated by these (and many other) groups have led to the death of over 1.3 million Nigerians and the displacement of over 20,000 people, pallid national integration, and ethnoreligious chauvinism (Duke & Agbaji, 2017). Also, bedeviled by corruption and the maddening disregard for transparency and accountability, Nigeria‟s image tarnishes while she simultaneously loses huge foreign direct investments (FDI) and herenergetic young human resourcesthat migratebecause theybelieve the country haslittle or nothing to offer them. Thus, the nation is unable to successfully combat internal insurrections and stands amongst nations with a smeared image of bad governance. This weakens the economy, increases insecurity and maladministration. In fact, according to Transparency International‟s (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) of 2017, Nigeria ranked 148th out of 180 nations that were surveyed which is a slippery dash below her 136th position in TI‟s 2014, 2015 and 2016 rankings making a mockery of the Nigerian government‟s acclaimed anticorruption blitz. Added to this is the fact that the Jonathan and Buhari‟s administrations, like many other administrations in Nigeria, have never lacked good foreign policies. The problem of Nigeria‟s foreign policy that is affecting the country‟s image is not in formulation, but in implementation

OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The main objective of this study is to examine Nigerian foreign policy under president Muhammad Buhari from 2015 to 2019 .

SCOPE/LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The scope of this study centers on terrorism and Nigerian foreign policy.

Limitations of study

Financial constraint- Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection (internet, questionnaire and interview).

Time constraint

The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work.

DEFINITION OF TERMS

  • Global security: is the efforts taken by the community of nations to protect against threats which are transnational in nature.
  • Security: this is an investment vehicle offered by an insurance company, that guarantees a stream of fixed payments over the life of the annuity.
  • Foreign policy: is the manner and objectives that are important for establishing and maintaining relationships with other countries and people of other lands.
  • Policy: A plan or course of action, as of a government, political party, or business, intended to influence and determine decisions, actions, and other matters

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Oct 27

THE ROLE OF NIGERIAN FEMALE COMBATANTS IN OPERATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS

FEMALE COMBATANTS IN OPERATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS

INTRODUCTION

The incidence of female combatants in Africa is a recurrent decimal. This problem has really pre-occupied not only scholars of strategic persuasion, but also in the violence and peace studies and those in the humanitarian scholarship have also not been left out. This is because of the numerous effects and the problems it posits for both local and international peace especially the psychological and traumatising multiplier effects it has on the domestic social space. Although, the concept of female combatants is being confronted with serious theoretical and conceptual clarification, what is vivid is that, Africa’s experience presents a case and picture of irregularities and conventionalism ( Aghfer, 2010:23).

Females make up almost several thousands of those recruited for wars. The internecine wars in Africa and the numerous conflicts of different dimensions and colourations on the continent have given rise to the crisis of female combatants. The child- soldier syndrome (Amadu, S and Wale,I, 2003:137-166) in Africa was not exclusive of the great percentage of the females who served in the different categories of the wars. For instance, girls make up of almost half of the 300,000 children involved in wars in Africa (Geoffrey, 2010:11). Research has shown that girls are used extensively in combat in a wide range of international conflicts. In some cases by groups who have had the support of Britain and the United States. Among countries involved are Colombia, Pakistan, and Uganda in Africa, the Philippines and Democratic Republic of Congo, also in Africa. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, there were up to 12, 500 girls in armed groups. In Sri Lanka, 43 per cent of 51,000 of children are

girls. (Richard, 2009:218). The point here is that the problem of female combatant is not peculiar to Africa, though the worst examples are being experienced in Africa.

The percentages of the girls in the areas cited above are just extracts of the total percentage of the female soldiers in wars in Africa. However scholars have looked at this issues form different dimensions. Paradoxically, despite the contributions to warfare by female combatants, they continue to be seen but not heard. Their roles are usually in the area of logistics and administration at the point of recruitment but they find themselves in real combat when the need arise.

The Niger Delta crisis have been explained from different dimensions ( Samuel , I: 2009), Suberu, L: 2010), Akanni, J: 2011), Eghosa, L:2012} the crisis of female combatant remains highly inexhaustive. Celestine, B, (2010) and Angela, F(2011) have both looked at the issues of girls used as spies by the Niger Delta militants but the issue of the females as combatants in the Niger Delta being used in all the ramifications of war and the subsequent effects of this on post violence Niger Delta is largely neglected. In fact, the amnesty and rehabilitation programmes of President Yar’adua even failed to address the total realities of the female combatants. Vividly capturing this position was Bubaraji, J (2011:45) who was of the opinion that the programmes of rehabilitation of President Yar’adua mentioned nothing about the females who took part in the crisis but only the male combatants are adequately catered for in the programme.

This position partly informs the dimensions of this work and seeks to establish that female combatants were actively involved in the Niger Delta crisis and that their roles in the Niger Delta crisis were of combat nature alongside their male counterparts. There is also the need to establish the fact that they were not rehabilitated in the post crisis amnesty programme and

this neglect has led to negative effects especially on the female combatants and by extension on the society.

It should be stressed that the idea of female combatants in this context is understood from the perspective of female mercenaries either forced or engaged to fight wars on behalf of a group, interest or for other reasons peculiar or distant from direct concern of the mercenaries but which the female mercenaries are directly or indirectly committed to. The regular female combatants in the National armies are not part of this category. Although, the idea of female combatants is not alien to the traditional African setting but the difference is the degree and dimensions of the trans-national colouration it has assumed. In the pre-colonial African setting especially in the Yorubaland, in Nigeria, male and female mercenaries are engaged to fight on behalf of empires and kingdoms. Often times, their support are enlisted when necessary because of their identified prowess and abilities not necessarily for financial benefits but for some other social and political reasons (Ayinla, 2004:118) the required recognition and pride of place that the female combatants are supposed to enjoy is always lacking despite their prowess.

The contemporary situation especially in the Niger Delta was largely directed towards pecuniary benefits and primordial sentiments (Eghosa, 2007:12) but more essentially by seeming patriotic commitment to the emancipation of the Niger Delta environment. This work is essentially located partly within the vortex of the contemporary realities and the conditions of the engagements of the female combatants in the Niger Delta. The nature of the contemporary problems of violence and the degree of the engagement of these combatants also partly underscore the availability of the female recruits into electoral crimes and mayhem in the Niger Delta. Convincingly, Jinadu Adele(2009) got this situation more clearly when he posited that the rate at which women are being used in the Niger Delta environment for

stealing of votes, assassination and for all forms of crimes explains the reality of the need to properly engage and rehabilitate these women. Their responses to crimes and modus operandi do not only send jitters but also tells a deep story of a trained and fearless group that could be used for violence and war any day.

This position informs the relative significance of the women combatants in the Niger Delta conflicts and why it is worth this intellectual investigation. By focusing on the roles of the female combatants in the Niger Delta and the role of the domestic factor that has thrown up this class; it underscores a bottom-up rather than the realist top-down analysis of national security formulae. This is because of the nature of the recruitment of these combatants, the nature and period of training and the responsibilities of being a combatant.

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