Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Objectives as a Tool for Promoting International Tourism

Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Objectives as a Tool for Promoting International Tourism

ABSTRACT

The concept of foreign policy being a course of action or principles adopted by Ta nation’s government to define its relation with other countries or groups of countries gives credence to tourism being treated as an outcome of such policy as tourism is used in fostering political, economic and socio-cultural spheres of nations in this millennium. Quite a number of key trends have emerged from international tourism particularly the rise in travels to Middle East and African tourism demand which Nigeria can explore to develop its tourism industry and regain its useful place in the international community of nations. It’s evident that there is little awareness about the immense importance derived from international tourism, by policy makers thus an overview of the probable benefits to be accrued where the methodology used was a theoretical application of the documentary and observation approaches where a good understanding of the industry and the events that happen on daily basis to the administration and operations in the industry was given and the facts presented. The findings revealed the importance of having an effective and functional foreign policy that would enhance efficiency and goal oriented results on international tourism for Nigeria’s economic sub-sectors of paramount need now in order to harness the benefits of her role and dominance in international peace keeping and humanitarian endeavors.

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Apr 03

ASSESSMENT OF THE ECOWAS PROTOCOL ON FREE MOVEMENT OF PERSONS, RIGHT OF RESIDENCE AND ESTABLISHMENT

ASSESSMENT OF THE ECOWAS PROTOCOL ON FREE MOVEMENT OF PERSONS, RIGHT OF RESIDENCE AND ESTABLISHMENT

ABSTRACT

The main aim of the study was to assess the implementation of the ECOWAS Protocol on free movement of persons, rights of residence and establishment. For this, the mixed method of data collection was used which formed the basic design for the study. Using the convenient method, 84 travellers and 30 officers were sampled to respond to structured questionnaires and semi interview questions respectively. Data was analysed using quantitative and qualitative methods and the results triangulated.

Results of the study indicated that most respondents do not have any knowledge of the ECOWAS Protocol whereas a few of the respondents affirmed to their having knowledge in the Protocol. Those who are familiar with the Protocol indicated that it is useful and that it is working for its purpose. Similarly, most respondents do not know how the implementation of the ECOWAS Protocol is done.

According to officers at the borders, one basic challenge facing them as border officials is the issue of language barrier. The sub-region is made up of Anglophone and Francophone countries. Ghanaian officials therefore find it difficult to communicate with travellers from other countries other than English speaking countries. Likewise, other officials like those at La Cote D’Ivoire have problems communicating with travellers from English speaking countries.

It was recommended that Officers that will be put at the borders should be those that could speak other foreign languages especially French and English. Those that will be on duty should always have at least one person among them who could speak such languages. This will facilitate effective communication. Authorities of member states should endeavour to have a common identification document and even common ECOWAS currency which will facilitate bilateral trade, thereby helping the Protocol achieve its objective of regional integration and trade.

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Oct 27

THE ROLE OF NIGERIAN FEMALE COMBATANTS IN OPERATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS

FEMALE COMBATANTS IN OPERATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS

INTRODUCTION

The incidence of female combatants in Africa is a recurrent decimal. This problem has really pre-occupied not only scholars of strategic persuasion, but also in the violence and peace studies and those in the humanitarian scholarship have also not been left out. This is because of the numerous effects and the problems it posits for both local and international peace especially the psychological and traumatising multiplier effects it has on the domestic social space. Although, the concept of female combatants is being confronted with serious theoretical and conceptual clarification, what is vivid is that, Africa’s experience presents a case and picture of irregularities and conventionalism ( Aghfer, 2010:23).

Females make up almost several thousands of those recruited for wars. The internecine wars in Africa and the numerous conflicts of different dimensions and colourations on the continent have given rise to the crisis of female combatants. The child- soldier syndrome (Amadu, S and Wale,I, 2003:137-166) in Africa was not exclusive of the great percentage of the females who served in the different categories of the wars. For instance, girls make up of almost half of the 300,000 children involved in wars in Africa (Geoffrey, 2010:11). Research has shown that girls are used extensively in combat in a wide range of international conflicts. In some cases by groups who have had the support of Britain and the United States. Among countries involved are Colombia, Pakistan, and Uganda in Africa, the Philippines and Democratic Republic of Congo, also in Africa. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, there were up to 12, 500 girls in armed groups. In Sri Lanka, 43 per cent of 51,000 of children are

girls. (Richard, 2009:218). The point here is that the problem of female combatant is not peculiar to Africa, though the worst examples are being experienced in Africa.

The percentages of the girls in the areas cited above are just extracts of the total percentage of the female soldiers in wars in Africa. However scholars have looked at this issues form different dimensions. Paradoxically, despite the contributions to warfare by female combatants, they continue to be seen but not heard. Their roles are usually in the area of logistics and administration at the point of recruitment but they find themselves in real combat when the need arise.

The Niger Delta crisis have been explained from different dimensions ( Samuel , I: 2009), Suberu, L: 2010), Akanni, J: 2011), Eghosa, L:2012} the crisis of female combatant remains highly inexhaustive. Celestine, B, (2010) and Angela, F(2011) have both looked at the issues of girls used as spies by the Niger Delta militants but the issue of the females as combatants in the Niger Delta being used in all the ramifications of war and the subsequent effects of this on post violence Niger Delta is largely neglected. In fact, the amnesty and rehabilitation programmes of President Yar’adua even failed to address the total realities of the female combatants. Vividly capturing this position was Bubaraji, J (2011:45) who was of the opinion that the programmes of rehabilitation of President Yar’adua mentioned nothing about the females who took part in the crisis but only the male combatants are adequately catered for in the programme.

This position partly informs the dimensions of this work and seeks to establish that female combatants were actively involved in the Niger Delta crisis and that their roles in the Niger Delta crisis were of combat nature alongside their male counterparts. There is also the need to establish the fact that they were not rehabilitated in the post crisis amnesty programme and

this neglect has led to negative effects especially on the female combatants and by extension on the society.

It should be stressed that the idea of female combatants in this context is understood from the perspective of female mercenaries either forced or engaged to fight wars on behalf of a group, interest or for other reasons peculiar or distant from direct concern of the mercenaries but which the female mercenaries are directly or indirectly committed to. The regular female combatants in the National armies are not part of this category. Although, the idea of female combatants is not alien to the traditional African setting but the difference is the degree and dimensions of the trans-national colouration it has assumed. In the pre-colonial African setting especially in the Yorubaland, in Nigeria, male and female mercenaries are engaged to fight on behalf of empires and kingdoms. Often times, their support are enlisted when necessary because of their identified prowess and abilities not necessarily for financial benefits but for some other social and political reasons (Ayinla, 2004:118) the required recognition and pride of place that the female combatants are supposed to enjoy is always lacking despite their prowess.

The contemporary situation especially in the Niger Delta was largely directed towards pecuniary benefits and primordial sentiments (Eghosa, 2007:12) but more essentially by seeming patriotic commitment to the emancipation of the Niger Delta environment. This work is essentially located partly within the vortex of the contemporary realities and the conditions of the engagements of the female combatants in the Niger Delta. The nature of the contemporary problems of violence and the degree of the engagement of these combatants also partly underscore the availability of the female recruits into electoral crimes and mayhem in the Niger Delta. Convincingly, Jinadu Adele(2009) got this situation more clearly when he posited that the rate at which women are being used in the Niger Delta environment for

stealing of votes, assassination and for all forms of crimes explains the reality of the need to properly engage and rehabilitate these women. Their responses to crimes and modus operandi do not only send jitters but also tells a deep story of a trained and fearless group that could be used for violence and war any day.

This position informs the relative significance of the women combatants in the Niger Delta conflicts and why it is worth this intellectual investigation. By focusing on the roles of the female combatants in the Niger Delta and the role of the domestic factor that has thrown up this class; it underscores a bottom-up rather than the realist top-down analysis of national security formulae. This is because of the nature of the recruitment of these combatants, the nature and period of training and the responsibilities of being a combatant.

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Aug 22

Nigerians Relation with United States 2009-2020

Evaluation of Nigerians relation with United States 2009-2020

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

Foreign policy is an essential tool with which states relateto states and non-states actors in the international system Levy (2013). .The foreign policy is set of tools which are used to pursue and achieve country’s national interests.Foreign Policy of Nigerian state has continued to change under different governments and leaders. This is usually influenced by the type of government and to a great extent personality of the countries leader Fawcett (2016).

            From independence, where Nigeria pursue a non-aligned foreign policy under Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Under Yakubu Gowon 1966-1975 the country was plagued with civil war, but his foreign policy was also Afrocentric in nature, Murtala Mohammed and Olusegun Obasanjo 1975-1979 the government pursued a radical foreign policy which was aimed at liberation of African states from clutches of apartheid and colonialism and reducing the influence of Western capitalist countries, Shehu Shagari 1979-1983 continued with the Afrocentric policy and also liberal policy, Muhammadu Buhari 1983-1985 chose to follow foreign policy of Murtala/Obasanjo foreign policy which was radical in nature Aning et al (2017)

            Ibrahim Babangida 1985-1993 foreign policy was seen mainly as pro-western countries which led to the acceptance of Structural Adjustment Programs and also its economic diplomacy, Sani Abacha 1993-1998 choose to pursue an isolation foreign policy which meant Nigeria had limited engagement with outside world. Olusegun Obasanjo 1999-2007 decided to re-open Nigeria to the world after isolation of Sani Abacha government, his foreign policy was hinged on shuttle diplomacy which was aimed at economic development, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan 2007-2015 foreign policy was opened and encourages relations with other countries around the world, and its policy was hinged on citizen diplomacy, Muhammadu Buhari 2015-Present foreign policy is also hinged on improving relations with neighbors and to maintain ties with the United States among other countries in the world.

            As a Head of Government under a military government General Buhari pursued a radical foreign policy which led confrontation with Nigeria neighbours, radical countering of colonial and apartheid governments on the continent. President Buhari assumed shuttle diplomacy between different countries immediately after assuming office in 2015 he was referred at as “Jet-Setting President”, this was attributed mainly to the fact he spent a quarter of first 100 days in office in different countries. The president upon inauguration assumed the responsibility of been countries chief diplomat and foreign policy officer to re-launch Nigeria into the international community. This is mostly attributed to the international environment Buhari found himself, this situation was characterised by dwindling oil prices, terrorism and counter-terrorism, nuclear deals and neoliberalism among others Aning, K., Abdallah, M., & Kofi, F. (2017)

It is on premises of the above background that this research seek  to understand the change of foreign policy direction of  Nigeria with China from  of 2009-2020.

Statement of the Problem

This study, while corroborating Robinson, in Roseau (1969) that the primary interest of all nations is security of national territory and in safeguarding the lives and values of the citizens (wherever they may choose to live), observed that African-centered foreign policy of Nigeria had not adequately safeguarded her citizens‟ lives and values. While Okolie (2007) also refers to foreign policy as protecting, maximizing and promoting the prescribed national interest of a given state, the work equally observed that the Afrocentric foreign policy of Nigeria had not adequately protected, maximized and promoted our national interest in favour of her citizens. Furthermore, it is observed that, despite the conservative African-centered foreign policy adopted since independence, progress, prosperity and survival of Nigerians at home and in the Diaspora had not been well promoted. More so, as Eke (2009) noted that every state‟s interest is dictated by the interests and core values of its citizens.

 Research Question

1.      What are the nature of Nigeria’s foreign relations that exist between Nigeria and US  under president Goodluck and Buhari   ?

2.      How has  Nigeria foreign policy and bilateral security relations with other countries improved  under Muhammadu buhari?

3.      Are there any positive influences of  Nigeria- US  Relations  from 2009-2020?

4.      What are the nature of relationship that Nigeria-United States enjoy since Buhari took over power in 2015?

5.      What are the nature of diplomatic relations between Nigeria-US ?

Significance Of The Study

This work is significant because it  investigate the Nigerian Foreign Policy relations with US  From 2009-2020. And the recommendations will help subsequent administrations to improve human condition especially in Nigeria.

It will also help Nigeria to place the national interests at the forefront while pursuing her foreign policy.

However, it has been stated in this work that foreign policy does not favour a country that is backward technologically. Therefore, this work will also help to encourage the government on the need to develop the nation technologically in order to achieve her national interests in this era of globalization.

This research finding will also help to change the way people think about the status of Nigeria as a ‘giant of Africa’ which plays a major role in peace-keeping operations in Africa. Many Nigerians who are boastful of Nigerian peace keeping operations in Africa without considering its impact on the country would have a rethink.

Research Methodology

This paper utilises secondary sources of data for the research; this includes journals, relevant books, periodicals, newspapers reports, internet sources, government releases, and pronouncement.

Scope and Limitations

This study is investigates Nigerian Foreign Policy Under with a special references of reviewing the nature of foreign policy between Nigeria US from 2009 to 2020

Financial constraint- Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection from secondary sources

Time constraint- The researcher will simultaneously engage in this study with other academic work. This consequently will cut down on the time devoted for the research work.

Definition of Terms

Global security: is the efforts taken by the community of nations to protect against threats which are transnational in nature.

Security: this is an investment vehicle offered by an insurance company, that guarantees a stream of fixed payments over the life of the annuity.

Foreign policy: is the manner and objectives that are important for establishing and maintaining relationships with other countries and people of other lands.

Policy: A plan or course of action, as of a government, political party, or business, intended to influence and determine decisions, actions, and other matters

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