THE EFFECT OF HERDERS-FARMERS  CONFLICT AND NATIONAL SECURITY IN NIGERIA

CHAPTER ONE/INTRODUCTION

The herdsmen/farmers conflict in Nigeria in the past few years especially in the last five years or so portends a very great danger and a serious security threat to peace, unity, and socio- economic development of the country and Kogi State in particular. Pages of newspapers and empirical studies are replete with stories of massive killings arising from the conflicts between herders/farmers across various States in Nigeria
particularly Kogi State.
Areas affected by the conflict in the North Central Zone include Kogi, Benue, Kwara, Nasarawa, Niger, Plateau and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, which have left heavy casualty figures, (Chinweizu, 2015 and Abiodu, 2016). Other parts of the country affected by the crisis include Ukpabi Nimbo in Uzo- Uwani Local Government Area of Enugu State, Oyo, Ekiti, Ondo, Osun, Abia, Anambra, Delta, and Edo states respectively. Virtually all States in Nigeria have had (or are still experiencing) the herdsmen/farmers conflict (Abraham, 2017).
Many writers, commentators and researchers have expressed different opinions and dimensions to the causes of these conflicts. Some people see it from the cultural/historical perspective of nomadic pastoralism and climate change, (Adogi, (2013); Stone, (2013). Yet, others see it from socio-economic perspective and the struggle for resource control (Abba, 2008). Other groups also view the conflicts from ethno-religious angle, while another school of thought views the crisis from the land use planning occasioned by land tenure system in Nigeria (Isah, 2012). Those who subscribe to the land resource control premised their arguments on the presumption that farmers belief that they are the traditional owners of the land and are strongly in support of the old order which gives them inheritance of land as ancestry hereditary, patrimonial and transmissible and opposed to any unauthorized occupation or intrusion on their lands by herdsmen for forceful grazing. The herdsmen on the other hand, want free access to any grazing land for their cattle and reject or
oppose to the old order of land as hereditary and transmissible. In pursuance of these conflicting interests by the two parties, clashes ensued.
Reports in newspapers and empirical studies have indicated that there are tensions in any parts of country including Kogi State as a result of incessant conflicts between herders/farmers. The dimension the conflict has taken in recent past is left much to be desired. If the problem of herdsmen/farmers conflict is not tackled early enough and with dispatch too, it could lead to deviant defeatism and may be more catastrophic than Boko Haram crisis because of its spread, and sophistication which may degenerate into a threat to national security, peace and development.
It is interesting to note that the rapid escalation, spread and frightening dimension that the herdsmen/farmers crises have assumed in recent time, and the increasing use of sophisticated weapons as well as the impunity with which they carry out their dastardly acts call for a very serious early decisive attention to the issue in order not to allow this time bomb to degenerate beyond control. In an increasingly interconnected and complex world, it has become clear that security and development are inextricably linked, especially in a developing nation like Nigeria. Threats to security can have socio-economic implications which could impinge on development if not tackled early enough.
As the world sets a new global agenda for sustainable development, security and development research becomes very crucial to bridge these two domains. Thus, the 2003 European Security Strategy and the 2005 European Consensus on Development acknowledged the fact that there cannot be sustainable development without peace and security, and that without development and poverty eradication, there will be no sustainable peace (The WRC3, 2017). Literatures have shown that conflicts have enormous costs in terms of human, financial and infrastructure resources. Hence, International Cooperation and Development, (2017) strongly noted that Development cooperation must tackle the root causes of conflicts as instability, insecurity, violence, organized crime etc not only deter investment, hinder trade, divert public social expenditure and hamper access to development, but also severally weaken democracy, human rights and the rule of law which are core values of development (ICD, 2017). It is for the foregoing reasons that this study was carried out to identify the immediate and remote causes of herdsmen and farmers conflicts in Kogi State with a view to finding lasting solutions to the problem so as to pave way for peace, harmony and development.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEMS/JUSTIFICATION

There has been hue and cry by many people in various communities across Kogi State ons the incessant herdsmen/farmers conflicts in the recent past. The conflicts have taken new dangerous dimension to the extent that the clashes have become so frequent culminating into killings, maiming, and in some cases burning of houses and invasion of communities. Cases in point include various communities in Kogi State such as Agojeju-Idaka in Dekina Local Government Area where herders invaded the village early hours of the morning in October, 2015
and killed about 23 persons, destroyed properties and burnt down houses. Egbolo in Igalamela/Odolu Local Government Area, Umomi in Ofu Local Government Area, and the most recent was the 2018 attack in Omala Local Government Area in Kogi State where the following communities were affected by the attack – Ajichekpa, Opada, and Agbenema, while Amuro in Mopa Moro Local Government area in Kogi West and a host of other communities had experienced the same fate (Oladipo, (2018). In each of these conflicts lives were lost, property worth billions of Naira destroyed and houses were burnt. It has been observed that in the very recent past, herdsmen/farmers conflicts have increased exponentially.
Many people have attributed the conflicts to different factors such as cultural/historical, backdrop of nomadic pastoralism (Adogi, 2013). Others also attributed the causes of the conflicts to factors such as migration due to climate change, Boko Haram insurgency, policy on land law and land resource control system (Okpaleke, 2016).
Whatever may be the perceived/presumed causes, it is germane to state that a thorough research is necessary with a view to unearthing the actual causes of the conflict so as to take proactive measures that could put a stop to the herders/farmers conflict. The continuous neglect of this all important challenge poses a great threat to peace, unity, security and socio-economic development of the State and Nigeria at large as any problem in any part of the country directly or indirectly hinder national development. This research work was therefore undertaken with a view to proffering solutions that could identify early warning signals, use conflict risk analysis method and mediation to prevent eventual crisis.
Going by the foregoing backdrop, this study addressed the following research questions:
1. What are the causes of herders/farmers conflicts in Kogi State?
2. What are the security implications of herders/farmers in Kogi State?
3. How does farmers and herders conflict affect the social and economic development of Kogi State?
4. What policy measures can be put in place by both the Federal and State Governments to resolve herders/farmers conflicts in Kogi State?

 

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WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA.A CASE STUDY OF OBIO AKPOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF RIVER STATE

Abstract

This study investigates the factors that limit women’s participation in Nigeria’s politics using as a case study, the period between 1999 and 2007, with emphasis on Rivers States. Among these factors are socioeconomic development, the country’s cultural heritage, historical legacies and institutional designs.

The study engages both primary and secondary sources, including field survey, personal interviews and questionnaire. A total of 200 women were selected from Rivers States through simple random sampling for the administration of the questionnaires.

The study reveals that the patriarchal system and male domination of the society, which relegates women to subordinate role, has created women’s inferiority complex and alienated them from the mainstream politics in Nigeria. The Nigerian political culture ofthuggery and gangsterismhas made the political terrain too dangerous for most women to venture into mainstream politics. Besides, the stigmatization of women politicians by fellow women discourages the political participation of the former while religious beliefs and institutional arrangements that restrict women to family responsibilities in the country coupled with lack of decisive affirmative action to encourage women’s political participation, have created a legacy that limit women’s political participation in Rivers State.

Consequently, the study emphasizes the need to address those factors that entrench women subordination in Nigeria’s politics. These include, among others, the reformation of all religious, statutory and customary laws and practices that perpetuate women’s subordination in the country and the explicit specifications and modalities of affirmative actions on women’s political participation and clear guidelines for implementations in the Nigeria constitution.

CHAPTER ONE /INTRODUCTION

1.1. Background to the Study

Woman as a person is an agent of reproduction of life itself. This places her in the position of the life blood of the entire humanity. She is the first teacher, the sustainer and maintainer of the home, the peacemaker, the symbol of beauty and major molder of the character of a child. It is for these reasons that the Holy Bible referred to her as the virtuous woman. She is a mother of the human race. As mothers and wives, women do extent considerable impact on the productivity of male workers. By their sheer psychological, physiological and intellectual makeup, they do perform more than mere complimentary roles in the production process (Jeminiwa, 1995).

Over the decades, the issues concerning women have taken on new dimension and received varied treatment by the United Nations and its specialized agencies. The principle of equality of men and women was recognized in the United Nations charter in 1945 and subsequently in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. The contributions made by women had not been recognized until recently when the United Nations declared the Decade for Women (1976-1985) making it mandatory on governments to focus on issue of women as an integral component of national development. This is because the development of a nation and establishment of a just, equitable balanced, viable, healthy and prosperous society depends to a large extent on the full and active participation of women in the political deliberation and key economic activities of that nation, beyond the window dressing of featuring in the fanfare at political rallies and similar events.

Many global conferences, including the Cairo conference in Population and Development in 1994, the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 and the world Summit for Social development in1995 have recognized that, despite the progress made globally in improving status of women, gender disparities still exist, especially in regard to participation in electoral politics. The situation in Nigeria is not different despite being a signatory in these conferences. Democracy presupposes a pluralistic system that is all-inclusive. However, Nigeria politics is predominantly politics of men. Men dominate the political arena, formulate the rules of the political game and define the standards for evaluation.

Rivers State being the study area has been ruled and dominated by men in all the arms of government and has never had a female Governor since its creation till date. Less than 20 women have emerged as ward councilors in the 23 Local Government Areas of Rivers State between 1999 to 2014. Appointment of a female justice of the state for the first time brought about a feud that is holding the entire judiciary to a standstill as at the time of this documentation. Political life is based on male norms and values and in some cases even male lifestyle. Charles de Gaulle once said “politics is too serious a business to be left in the hands of politicians”. According to Adedotun (2010), if Charles de Gaulle were alive, he would offer a revised version of his oft-quoted maxim for Nigeria, “Politics is too serious a business to be left solely in the hands of men”. In Nigeria, politics is presumed to be a man’s turf, where No Woman Needs Apply (NWNA)-an unspoken slogan reminiscent of the discrimination against Irish nationals in 19^th Century Britain.

This unwritten rule is one that only a small percentage of the female population has defined

successfully with reference to the controversial census conducted in 2006. It is ironic that women are systemically excluded from participating in the process in Nigeria and elsewhere. It is therefore, arguable that addressing the issues surrounding women’s inclusion in political life is a key to the emergency of an economically and sustainable society.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

Regardless of the progress made by women in such areas as education, the professions and employment, the women still remain largely excluded from the mainstream of political activities of most societies including Rivers State, Nigeria. Even with the resolution made at Beijing women conference of 1995, that thirty percent of all elective offices be reserved for women, women are yet to come into politics in Nigeria. Women participation in grass-root politic has been only in the fringes. Yet when it is time for politics, women are mobilized to vote. Women are considered only good for fanfares for political rallies – dressed up for singing, dancing and clapping, after which they are given insignificant gift items like bags of rice and its condiments, wrappers, etc to share. Women are only seen but not heard in the political arena. Therefore, it is against this backdrop the study set to study Women And Political Participation In Nigeria. A Case Study Of Obio Akpor Local Government Area Of River State

1.3 Research Questions

The research questions for this study are as follows:

1. What are the barriers to women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics?
2. To what extent has women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics influenced community development?

1.4 Objectives of the Study

The objectives of this study are to:

• Identify the barriers to women participation in Rivers State grass-root

1. Determine the extent women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics has influenced community

1.5 Significant of the Study

The dismal participation of women in Nigeria’s politics following the country’s return to democracy in 1999 has brought into new focus, questions about the factors hindering women’s political participation in the country. Nine years (1999 – 2007) after the transfer of power from the military regime to a civilian democratic administration, women still remain at the side-line of Nigeria’s politics, hence the need to undertake a study of factors militating against women’s involvement in the mainstream of the country’s politics. This therefore makes the study both timely and significant. A detailed analysis of this phenomenon will help contribute to the sparse knowledge in this area.

The research will equally be beneficial to NGOs, scholars and government agencies on gender related issues such as Inter-parliamentary Union, United Nations’ Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) Committee for the Elimination of all form of Discriminations against Women (CEDAW) as it will aid them in their search for gender equality. In addition, the suggestions and recommendations that will be proffered in this study will help improve the level of political participation of women in Nigeria particularly Rivers States.

Finally, this work will be useful to scholars who wish to carry out further research on women and political participation in Nigeria as the materials of the study will be of great importance for their enquiries.

1.6 Scope and Limitation of the Study

This study focused primarily on Women political participation in Nigeria. The study areas are Rivers State of Nigeria, though the historical background to women’s political participation in the country is relevant to the study in order to bring out the stages of women’s marginalization in Nigeria’s politics.  The study dealt extensively on the factors responsible for poor political participation of women in Rivers State. This study is limited in several ways. First and foremost, the study of women’s political participation in Nigeria is limited to Rivers State because of the inability to visit other parts of the country due to time factor and financial constraints. However, results from findings of this research may be replicated for women’s political participation in Nigeria as a whole.

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ABSTRACT

 

Several years of military misrule and mismanagement had weakened the economic management processes and institutions in Nigeria.  There was no transparency and accountability in government (Public Sector) and private sectors and Nigeria became notorious for endemic corruption.  The result was the inability of government to deliver services to the Nigeria public. Most private companies both in the oil and non-oil sector have constantly evade taxes and have collide with officials to evade custom duties and payment of taxes.  In addition, widespread perpetration of economic and financial crimes like advance fee fraud (419), money laundering, cyber crime, banking fraud and endemic corruption have had severe negative consequences on Nigeria, including decreased direct foreign investment in the country.  Consequently, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established as one of the mechanisms for the prevention, investigation and prosecution of corrupt practices and economic and financial crimes in the public and the private sector.  Finally, this research work is aimed at looking into the various contributions of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in promoting financial accountability and transparency. To achieve this aim five research questions were developed.  The study adopted the survey research approach using the three study areas.  The EFCC Lagos, EFCC Enugu and PHCN formed the population of the study.  A sample size of 55 was choosing using Taro Yamane’s model while simple random techniques was used to select the sample.  Data retrieved from 55 completed questionnaires were subsequently presented in tables while simple percentage were used to analyse and answer the research questions formulated to guide the research work.  After the analysis of data, the hypotheses tested reviewed that the contributions of EFCC has effectively promoted financial accountability and transparency in Nigeria.  Therefore, the researcher recommends the following: developing an intensified information technology, staff training, capacity building and health care fraud control.

 

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