Not Too young To Run Bill: The challenges of it’s implementation and the way out

At the first United Nations Forum on Human Rights, Democracy, and the Rule of Law, which is now taking place in United Nations Geneva, the global campaign Not Too Young to Run was officially launched today. The campaign was initiated by a partnership that includes the Office of the United Nations Secretary-Envoy General’s on Youth, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), the European Youth Forum (EYF), and the Youth Initiative for Advocacy, Growth, and Advancement (YIAGA),

is to increase awareness of young people’s rights to run for public office and to encourage them to do so.

dealing with the widespread problem of discrimination based on age

 

Youth account for one-fifth of the total population of the world. In the meanwhile, their involvement in the political discussions is quite limited. The average age of a member of parliament in the world is 53. (Bruter and Harrison 2009). In order to be eligible to run for a seat in parliament, a candidate must be at least 25 years old. The participation of young people in political domains and processes is called into question as a result of this. The young people have been praised for the creative abilities and forward-thinking concepts they have demonstrated. When one takes a close look at the significant political shifts and the ensuing dynamism, one sees that young people are at the center of the fulcrum. In most cases, they play the role of catalysts in the process of undemocratic governments and political systems being overhauled. The Arab Spring in 2011 and 2012 is a good example of this. Their participation and positions in the political arenas were, however, highly limited due to unfavorable legal structures, poor economic situations, and a variety of policies that discriminated against them in many ways. As a direct consequence of this, their participation in the political process is unofficial and has not been adequately documented. The youth of Africa are not included in significant decision-making processes because the continent is still in its early stages of democratic development and its political institutions are not well developed. Youth participation in Africa’s official political systems is, by and large, met with reluctance from the continent’s governments and those who formulate policy. In modern times, however, there has been some evidence of a slight improvement in Africa. This is partly attributable to an increased awareness on the part of state governments as well as the influence of external pressures such as globalization and democratization, both of which place a greater emphasis on the participation of young people in political and economic spheres of influence. Scholars have suggested that this may be a reaction to the marginalization as well as the social and economic exclusion that they have experienced. According to recent findings published by the World Bank and the UNDP, more than seventy percent of Africa’s population is comprised of people under the age of thirty. Nevertheless, despite the significance of their numbers and the fact that

 

historical relevance throughout the region, they have been neglected from political arenas. They are disorganized, jobless, and susceptible to radical views as a result of the absence of political participation of young people on the continent, which leaves them prone to things like leading rallies against the decisions made by the government. This has been witnessed in Sierra Leone, where young people who were disillusioned and unable to find work played a significant role in the formation of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), as well as in Rwanda, where young people were at the center of the genocide.

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CURBING CORRUPTION FOR PEACE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

CURBING CORRUPTION FOR PEACE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

CHAPTER ONE/INTRODUCTION

 1.1 BACKGROUND OF STUDY

Corruption is efforts to secure wealth or power through illegal means for private gain at public expense; or a misuse of public power for private benefit. Corruption like cockroaches has co-existed with human society for a long time and remains as one of the problems in many of the world’s developing economies with devastating consequences. Corruption as a phenomenon, is a global problem, and exists in varying degrees in different countries (Agbu, 2001). Corruption is not only found in democratic and dictatorial politics, but also in feudal, capitalist and socialist economies. Christian, Muslim, Hindu, and Buddhist cultures are equally bedeviled by corruption (Dike, 2005). Corrupt practices are not an issue that just begins today but the history is as old as the world (Lipset and Lenz, 2000).

In Nigeria, it is one of the many unresolved problems (Ayobolu, 2006) that have critically hobbled and skewed development. It remains a long-term major political and economic challenge for Nigeria (Sachs, 2007). It is a canker worm that has eaten deep in the fabric of the nation. It ranges from petty corruption to political I bureaucratic corruption or Systemic corruption (International Center for Economic Growth, 1999). World Bank studies put corruption at over $1 trillion per year accounting for up to 12% of the Gross Domestic Product of nations like Nigeria, Kenya and Venezuela (Nwabuzor, 2005).

Corruption is endemic as well as an enemy within (Agbu, 2003). It is a canker worm that has eaten deep in the fabric of the country and had stunted growth in all sectors (Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), 2005). It has been the primary reason behind the country’s difficulties in developing fast (Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), 2006). This is evident in Transparency lnternational’s consistent rating of Nigeria as one of the top three most corrupt countries in the world (Ribadu, 2003).

1.3 OBJECTIVES  OF STUDY

  • The main objectives of this study is on Curbing corruption for peace and sustainable development

The objectives of this study are:

  1. To explore and analyze the development of corruption in Nigeria.
  2. To develop insights for reducing the
  3. To create possible checks and balances that could see this disease to a minimum

1.4 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The problem of corruption in Nigeria has been characterized by lack of culture of accountability, inefficiency, weak government structures, excessive concentration of power in the executive arm of government and lack of transparency.

This phenomena in governance characterize the practice of shameless act of stealing  of public funds and properties, wasteful mismanagement of national resources and public asset. The fact and ubiquity of corruption in Nigeria are not in any doubt whatsoever.

    1.5    RESEARCH QUESTIONS

  • Can the problem of lack of or slow development be seen in the unending struggle among Nigerians to retain or gain advantages over fellow Nigerians?
  • Where, with regards to institution and organization is corruption perpetuated?
  • Can widespread corruption provoke resentment and promote the chances of a revolution beneficial to the society in the long run?

 

1.6 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This research adopts the secondary method of data collection. This method involves a critical analysis of published data such as text books, newspapers, journals and other source of media information like the internet. Data will also be analyzed using descriptive method of analysis.

1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

There is no doubt that the crime of corruption in government threatens the moral integrity of a nation and hampers development, this thus makes the topic of discourse significant especially looking at the global effect of corruption on democracy and development generally.

There are a number of reasons for focusing on the scope and impact of corruption in Nigeria and the difficulties in dealing with it. Nigeria occupies a central place in Africa as the most populous country, with an estimated population of over 149 million. It is one of the continent’s richest countries and is blessed with a huge diversity of natural and human resources. It is also characterized by a multiplicity of different ethnic groups. Like many mono-cultural economies in Africa, its economy is heavily dependent on crude oil. Paradoxically, it is this important natural resource that sustains corruption in Nigeria.

The significance of this study is therefore to expose the acts of the few privileged ones who find themselves in high positions of authority and the ways at which they divert the profits gotten from these natural resources for personal uses instead of using them for public purposes and how this has hampered efforts made on development.

 

1.8 SCOPE AND DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The study examines critically Curbing corruption for peace and sustainable development. It also explores the concepts associated with corruption, outlines the debilitating effects of corruption on Nigeria. It also elaborates on the conditions that encourage the flourishing of graft in the literature.

This study, due to a number of constraints involving time and resources, especially unavailability of data, shall rely solely on secondary sources of data such as internet, journals, articles etc.

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THE ROLE OF TELEVISION IN ELECTORAL EDUCATION IN NIGERIA (CASE STUDY OF AIT)

THE ROLE OF TELEVISION IN ELECTORAL EDUCATION IN NIGERIA (CASE STUDY OF AIT)

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study

 

That the mass media plays a vital role in the development process of a country is not again saying. The mass media generally regarded as a channel of communication that are capable of reaching heterogeneous audience simultaneously with uniform message. They regularly cover all sorts of issues such as health, music, fine art, crime, sport, entertainment, political events among others (Meyer, 2002, Soela 2004). The mass media transmits ideas and new information to target audience in the society. Tosanisunmi (2004) has observed that the mass media educate, inform and entertain beyond these functions as they also persuade and catalyze for social mobilization. In other words, the mass media can be regarded as powerful service of information because they have the capability to penetrate every segment of society. They have the ability to disseminate messages about issue, ideas and product.

Furthermore, the mass media has that capability to create awareness and knowledge about issues of national interest. The traditional mass media usually consist of radio, television, newspaper and magazine while the news media involves the internet technologies. Contextually, these media have the responsibility to mobilize for national  development.  In other words, social mobilization for development largely depends on the media for success. Crusade for change and dissemination of useful information against corruption, bad governance and terrorism depend on the mass media. Ogwezzy (2010) states that it is a common knowledge that the media is the engine of mass communication and the avenue through which the public could be reached.

In the other hand, election is an important element of democracy; elections enable the individual to express a sense of belonging to a political system. Elections provide forum for the discussion of public opinion on important issue. Elections allow an exchange of influence between leaders and the electorate (Nwaozuzu 1999:18-22). This statement captures the relevant functions of the broadcast media in elections which serves as a mobilizing of all the different people in society and at the same time to co-ordinate the activities as they are made to express their views about candidates who are contesting for political position. The broadcast media through their programmes create avenue through which the people express their views about candidates. There may be phone calls in programmes like radio link, state of the Nation, or debate programmer responsible or otherwise and has made people pass on topical political issues. Also the broadcast media (Radio and Television) provide platforms through which individuals or member of society contribute on issues of public interest. They may be based on stewardship of political offices holders wishing to recontest for elections or it may have to do with electoral law that are perceived to be capable of fermenting violence. Ebo (1997:132) maintain that: the broadcast media play decisive roles in the lives of the citizens no matter where they are located and whatever their stage of development. The broadcast media are the most potent and sensitive sector of the communication industry considering the reach and influence they have on their viewers and listeners.

This statement succinctly explains which relevance the broadcast media is to all the components of the society, a power it acquired from its inception and not only during political campaigns. It is this power that grants it the ability to mobilize people and make them participate in mass in political processes. To further explain the power of the broadcast media in mobilizing the citizens towards conforming to expected behavior and participation in electoral processes. The media force attends to certain issues, they build up images of political figures, they are constantly presenting objects, suggesting what individuals should think about, know about, having feelings about. Clang an Lang 1959:103- 112).

This means the dominant thought that the people carry about, is influenced by the media‟s constant projection of what they should be thinking especially concerning the electoral process. This comment conforms to the agenda setting thereby which provides explanation to what or how the media can sway the behavior of the people in the society. Given this power therefore, it will not be out of place to say that, the failure of success of any electoral process lies largely in the hands of the mass media, to which the broadcast media is a strong component. Innis (2003:298) in support of this state that; while an unbiased and responsible system can contribute to the success of the electoral process, a bias and irresponsible media contributes to the failure of elections.

On the same power of the media, Orhewere‟s (2003:140) argues; the Nigerian media in the past did not show enough commitment to professional ethic there by contributing to electoral crisis in Western Nigerian in 1965 and subsequent elections. The relevance of Orhewere‟s comment is that not only does the Nigerian Broadcast media posses‟ enormous powers, but its role as an instrument of mobilization dates back to as far as 1965. In other words, the media has been a very active instrument in democratic processes in Nigeria over a stretch of time, until the military dictatorship took the shine from it. However, with the re-entry of civilian rule in 1999, the media viz the broadcast media have resumed its active role of mobilizing the populace for elections. The media or broadcast media played very important role in elections written 1999 and 2003,  Therefore, to print out that, the roles the media often plays is either responsible or otherwise and has made people pass judgment or often ascribed to failed outcome of elections ascribed to failed outcome of elections to it. That is the success or failure of elections are often judged by the role of the media for instance, Chinua Achebe (1993:78) allege that; the two previous at conducting election under civilian rule generated crisis, which culminated to the collapse of the republics due to several electoral frauds some of which allegedly were aided and abetted by the media. Chinua Achebe‟s comment however begs for serious questions at to, how does a watch dog become a conspirator. In other words, how does a media aid and abet fraud, perhaps they will form another basis for a study. However, it is important to note that, indeed the broadcast media has very strong roles to play in elections. To this Burns (1977:45) state that; The media in a civilized society occupy a very important and powerful position with capacity that can easily influence the opinion of the masses. While Rivers (1971) state that, it is expected to be the condolence of the people where divergent views are expressed in order to serve as a check against autocratic and totalitarian rule

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THE NOT TOO YOUNG TO RUN LAW AND YOUTH PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA.

THE NOT TOO YOUNG TO RUN LAW AND YOUTH PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA

INTRODUCTION

As ‘political equals’ constitute the major characteristic of democracy, it beacons, therefore, on everyone within a defined political space to attend a responsiveness which will accord them the opportunity to formulate preferences as well as align same either by individual or collective actions to their fellow citizen or the government of their choice. The Nigerian Constitution of  1999 as amended 2011  has disrupted this  important characteristic  of democracy  by disqualifying  persons below  the  ages 40,  35  and  30 from  throwing  their  hats  into the  ring  during  presidential, governorship, Senate, House of Representative and House of Assembly elections in the country.

 

The principle of ‘all citizens are eligible for all posts’ frowns at age barrier in a democratically configure country.  From Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, known faces have resurfaced in successive elections, especially at the Federal level. Most of these persons have been in positions of authority between 60s and 80s. Some of these politicians have ruled as military heads during the military regime and are still making efforts to get into the Aso Rock. This situation has triggered several debates from scholars and the general public, as regards the place of the youths in Nigeria government and politics. However, on the 31st day of May, 2018 an historic event took place in Nigeria. The event was the signing of the “Not too young to run Bill” into law by President Muhammadu Buhari.

 

The Bill which is now the “Not too Young to Run  Act”  (NTYTRA)  was  passed by the  8th National Assembly, under  the leadership of  Bukola Saraki (Senate President). The NTYTRA has been seen as the most followed public bill in the Country right from when democracy was restored in 1999 (Amadi, 2018). The NTYTRA amends the Constitution by reducing the age qualification for certain elective offices created by the Constitution (Sesan, 2018). Today, the bill has generated lots of arguments in support and against it. Those against NTYTRA believes that it is arrant nonsense, a deceit, useless, unnecessary and a pyrrhic victory, those in support posits that it is a victory for democracy, a historic event and opportunity for the youths to decide the future of the Country (Amadi, 2018). The aim of this study is to consider the pros and cons of NTYTRA. Emphasis will be placed on its implications on Nigeria’s democracy. The study will also take into account the arguments for as well as arguments against the NTYTRA.

 

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