Social Media as Tools for Political Mobilisation For 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria

Background

The importance of having access to relevant political information in a democratic system is widely recognized. When correct, easily digestible, and extensive knowledge is readily available, citizens have the ability to devise their own responses to political events and, as a result, participate in the political process.

Social media contribute to the formation of public opinion by providing citizens with a forum in which they can voice their thoughts and by facilitating the growth of a consensus position in an era in which face-to-face interaction with political elites is relatively rare.

Social media has been found useful in Nigeria elections. The rise in social media activist for political mobilizations in 2022 has risen to atleast 45%.compared to other pre-election year with Peter Obi leading in all social media sites. Obi, who is the presidential candidate of Labour Party in 2023 elections, has gained social media popularity in recent times and has succeeded in creating a slogan “Obidient” which rings positive bell in the hears of the electorate who are majorly youths Musliudeen (2022).

Social media not only make information more reachable but are also likely the sole channel through which the general people can acquire information that is not biased or slanted politically.

In order for the information to be successful, the general public needs to have access to political information that is objective and not political propaganda. In addition, if the general population is not sufficiently informed to make decisions, the political establishment might not be held accountable for their actions. Moreover, if the general population is not sufficiently engaged in democratic processes, the viability of democracy itself might be called into question.

Even though there are still traditional media channels that give political news, current technology breakthroughs, notably the internet, have helped to the distribution of news items and the rise of citizen journalism. This is particularly true in the United States. The number of people who currently have access to the internet is increasing as a direct result of the growing number of people who use smartphones.

The recent emergence of social media as a major force that must be reckoned with in all areas of communications has caused a shift in the manner in which communication is managed on all fronts, whether they are social, economic, or political. This shift has had an effect on the way communication is handled on all fronts. As a result of this, political communication is now becoming an increasingly important aspect during election campaigns. This is because politicians and the general public are increasingly using social media into their communication. Therefore, political communication is not exempt from the effects that are caused by social media.

 

Social media is a very competitive tool. Millions of political aspirants will jostle for the attention of the same audience. This poses the challenge of creative online crowdsourcing and increases the power of social media influencers. To a considerable extent, the outcome of the 2023 elections may be influenced majorly by social media. (Premiumtimes report 2022)

However, in order to cultivate greater political discourse and more political involvement among all people, substantial consideration needs to be given to the assurance of accuracy and in-depth analysis of political topics in the social networking platforms that many young minds subscribe to. In an effort to maintain their relevance in the public eye, politicians are becoming increasingly active on social media.

In this study, the political issues that are being discussed on social media were assessed for their relative significance in terms of how they are affecting policy in Nigeria. The researcher focused primarily on analyzing how social media especially Facebook and Twitter are utilized in Nigeria, as well as how this has impacted political debate in 2023 presidential elections.

In Nigeria, social media platforms have evolved into highly effective political tools in recent years. According to the statistics available in January 2021, there were 33 million people using social media in Nigeria. Because more than 48 percent of Nigerians have access to cell phones and only 36 percent have internet access, approximately 40 percent of the country’s population, or nearly 90 million people, are active on social media. As of the year 2021, the total number of citizens who were registered to vote in the country was 89 million. Because of this, it is reasonable to assume that the majority of voters have access to social media. This indicates that social and online media have almost completely replaced the combined mix of other media as crucial avenues of communication in matters pertaining to society and politics.
The use of social media platforms has become an increasingly important arena for the shaping of public opinion and the establishment of priorities. The extent to which social media can affect and determine voting behavior may be limited but still significant, but the jury is still out on whether or not it plays a role in determining the outcomes of political contests. During the presidential election in 2015, the opposition party known as the All Progressives Congress (APC) made extensive use of social media in order to de-market the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

As we get closer to the year 2023, political actors and political parties are jumping on the social media bandwagon. As a result, the landscape of political communication in Nigeria has never been so heterogeneous, fragmented, energizing, chaotic, creative, and equally polarizing at the same time. Political actors are (re)branding themselves as serious political contenders at both the state and national levels by engaging audiences on social media in a regular, humorous, and strategic manner. This is happening at both the state and the national levels. Some of their audience members have a high level of intelligence and are able to differentiate between political razmataz and genuine political engagement and enlightenment.

 

The use of social media platforms has become an increasingly important arena for the shaping of public opinion and the establishment of priorities. The extent to which social media can affect and determine voting behavior may be limited but still significant, but the jury is still out on whether or not it plays a role in determining the outcomes of political contests. During the presidential election in 2015, the opposition party known as the All Progressives Congress (APC) made extensive use of social media in order to de-market the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

According to preliminary research carried out in Nigeria during the elections in 2015, social media played a significant role in shifting popular support among young voters away from the then-current Federal Government. By the time of the 2019 presidential election, social media had reached maturity, and instead of young millennials and young adults dominating that space, we noticed that even older people were relying on them for political information and debates. This shift in demographics was a significant departure from previous trends.

The platforms allow for rapid dissemination of information and messages, which can have significant repercussions. Because the government has so little control over social media, the open space that has been created as a result has become a marketplace for ideas and viewpoints. People who support or oppose a political actor, party, or politician can easily attempt to sway others to their point of view through the use of social media.

Activists, whistleblowers, and opposition politicians, all of whose voices were suppressed by the government that was in power, now have the opportunity to engage with the general populace thanks to social media. The ability to conceal potentially harmful information became increasingly difficult. As has been widely discussed, the complementarity of the APC’s online and offline campaign strategies, as well as its robust grassroots support base and organizational structure, contributed in part to the party’s massive victory in the most recent elections. This was one of the key factors.

 

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WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA

WOMEN AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA.A CASE STUDY OF OBIO AKPOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF RIVER STATE

Abstract

This study investigates the factors that limit women’s participation in Nigeria’s politics using as a case study, the period between 1999 and 2007, with emphasis on Rivers States. Among these factors are socioeconomic development, the country’s cultural heritage, historical legacies and institutional designs.

The study engages both primary and secondary sources, including field survey, personal interviews and questionnaire. A total of 200 women were selected from Rivers States through simple random sampling for the administration of the questionnaires.

The study reveals that the patriarchal system and male domination of the society, which relegates women to subordinate role, has created women’s inferiority complex and alienated them from the mainstream politics in Nigeria. The Nigerian political culture ofthuggery and gangsterismhas made the political terrain too dangerous for most women to venture into mainstream politics. Besides, the stigmatization of women politicians by fellow women discourages the political participation of the former while religious beliefs and institutional arrangements that restrict women to family responsibilities in the country coupled with lack of decisive affirmative action to encourage women’s political participation, have created a legacy that limit women’s political participation in Rivers State.

Consequently, the study emphasizes the need to address those factors that entrench women subordination in Nigeria’s politics. These include, among others, the reformation of all religious, statutory and customary laws and practices that perpetuate women’s subordination in the country and the explicit specifications and modalities of affirmative actions on women’s political participation and clear guidelines for implementations in the Nigeria constitution.

CHAPTER ONE /INTRODUCTION

1.1. Background to the Study

Woman as a person is an agent of reproduction of life itself. This places her in the position of the life blood of the entire humanity. She is the first teacher, the sustainer and maintainer of the home, the peacemaker, the symbol of beauty and major molder of the character of a child. It is for these reasons that the Holy Bible referred to her as the virtuous woman. She is a mother of the human race. As mothers and wives, women do extent considerable impact on the productivity of male workers. By their sheer psychological, physiological and intellectual makeup, they do perform more than mere complimentary roles in the production process (Jeminiwa, 1995).

Over the decades, the issues concerning women have taken on new dimension and received varied treatment by the United Nations and its specialized agencies. The principle of equality of men and women was recognized in the United Nations charter in 1945 and subsequently in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. The contributions made by women had not been recognized until recently when the United Nations declared the Decade for Women (1976-1985) making it mandatory on governments to focus on issue of women as an integral component of national development. This is because the development of a nation and establishment of a just, equitable balanced, viable, healthy and prosperous society depends to a large extent on the full and active participation of women in the political deliberation and key economic activities of that nation, beyond the window dressing of featuring in the fanfare at political rallies and similar events.

Many global conferences, including the Cairo conference in Population and Development in 1994, the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 and the world Summit for Social development in1995 have recognized that, despite the progress made globally in improving status of women, gender disparities still exist, especially in regard to participation in electoral politics. The situation in Nigeria is not different despite being a signatory in these conferences. Democracy presupposes a pluralistic system that is all-inclusive. However, Nigeria politics is predominantly politics of men. Men dominate the political arena, formulate the rules of the political game and define the standards for evaluation.

Rivers State being the study area has been ruled and dominated by men in all the arms of government and has never had a female Governor since its creation till date. Less than 20 women have emerged as ward councilors in the 23 Local Government Areas of Rivers State between 1999 to 2014. Appointment of a female justice of the state for the first time brought about a feud that is holding the entire judiciary to a standstill as at the time of this documentation. Political life is based on male norms and values and in some cases even male lifestyle. Charles de Gaulle once said “politics is too serious a business to be left in the hands of politicians”. According to Adedotun (2010), if Charles de Gaulle were alive, he would offer a revised version of his oft-quoted maxim for Nigeria, “Politics is too serious a business to be left solely in the hands of men”. In Nigeria, politics is presumed to be a man’s turf, where No Woman Needs Apply (NWNA)-an unspoken slogan reminiscent of the discrimination against Irish nationals in 19th Century Britain.

This unwritten rule is one that only a small percentage of the female population has defined

successfully with reference to the controversial census conducted in 2006. It is ironic that women are systemically excluded from participating in the process in Nigeria and elsewhere. It is therefore, arguable that addressing the issues surrounding women’s inclusion in political life is a key to the emergency of an economically and sustainable society.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

Regardless of the progress made by women in such areas as education, the professions and employment, the women still remain largely excluded from the mainstream of political activities of most societies including Rivers State, Nigeria. Even with the resolution made at Beijing women conference of 1995, that thirty percent of all elective offices be reserved for women, women are yet to come into politics in Nigeria. Women participation in grass-root politic has been only in the fringes. Yet when it is time for politics, women are mobilized to vote. Women are considered only good for fanfares for political rallies – dressed up for singing, dancing and clapping, after which they are given insignificant gift items like bags of rice and its condiments, wrappers, etc to share. Women are only seen but not heard in the political arena. Therefore, it is against this backdrop the study set to study Women And Political Participation In Nigeria. A Case Study Of Obio Akpor Local Government Area Of River State

1.3 Research Questions

The research questions for this study are as follows:

  1. What are the barriers to women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics?
  2. To what extent has women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics influenced community development?

1.4 Objectives of the Study

The objectives of this study are to:

  • Identify the barriers to women participation in Rivers State grass-root
  1. Determine the extent women participation in Rivers State grass-root politics has influenced community

1.5 Significant of the Study

The dismal participation of women in Nigeria’s politics following the country’s return to democracy in 1999 has brought into new focus, questions about the factors hindering women’s political participation in the country. Nine years (1999 – 2007) after the transfer of power from the military regime to a civilian democratic administration, women still remain at the side-line of Nigeria’s politics, hence the need to undertake a study of factors militating against women’s involvement in the mainstream of the country’s politics. This therefore makes the study both timely and significant. A detailed analysis of this phenomenon will help contribute to the sparse knowledge in this area.

The research will equally be beneficial to NGOs, scholars and government agencies on gender related issues such as Inter-parliamentary Union, United Nations’ Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) Committee for the Elimination of all form of Discriminations against Women (CEDAW) as it will aid them in their search for gender equality. In addition, the suggestions and recommendations that will be proffered in this study will help improve the level of political participation of women in Nigeria particularly Rivers States.

Finally, this work will be useful to scholars who wish to carry out further research on women and political participation in Nigeria as the materials of the study will be of great importance for their enquiries.

1.6 Scope and Limitation of the Study

This study focused primarily on Women political participation in Nigeria. The study areas are Rivers State of Nigeria, though the historical background to women’s political participation in the country is relevant to the study in order to bring out the stages of women’s marginalization in Nigeria’s politics.  The study dealt extensively on the factors responsible for poor political participation of women in Rivers State. This study is limited in several ways. First and foremost, the study of women’s political participation in Nigeria is limited to Rivers State because of the inability to visit other parts of the country due to time factor and financial constraints. However, results from findings of this research may be replicated for women’s political participation in Nigeria as a whole.

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The Political Implications Of IPOB Agitations For Referendum And Nigeria Government Responsiveness

The Political Implications Of IPOB Agitations For Referendum And Nigeria Government Responsiveness

The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) is a separatist group that agitates for self-determination of their people. Studies have shown that agitations of different groups in countries of the world do have effects on the political stability of the countries involved (Shehu, Othman & Osman 2017; Ugo, Ukpere & Ashiwhobel, 2012).

The effects on countries may be positive or negative. The way the country is affected will largely depend on the strategies the groups have adopted in their agitations and the nature of government’s responses towards the agitating groups. Every group has its reasons for agitating for self-determination. Ojukwu (1989) argues that self-determination becomes the norm when the right possessed by a group of people to make a choice that works for them concerning the way and by the person they desired to lead them is taken away from them.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) are pro-Biafran group that agitates for self-determination from the Nigerian government. The group agitates for self-determination from the Nigerian State for the independence of the Biafra Republic. It is worthy of note that the Republic of Biafra was a secessionist state which existed during the period of Civil War in South-Eastern Nigeria between the period of 30 May 1967 and 15 January 1970 which undoubtedly affected economic activities (Nafziger, 1972). Amnesty International (2016) has submitted that IPOB has utilized its London-based Radio Biafra Station in reaching out to a lot of their dissatisfied youths and that Nnamdi Kanu, being the IPOB leader and the Radio Biafra Director, has made use of the station in reaching out to supporters both within and outside the country.

The agitations of IPOB the group and all the strategies used cannot be separated from the political stability of Nigeria. As observed by Obasi (2017), the use of force by President Muhammadu Buhari in responding to the IPOB’s agitations has not been productive as it inflames passion and increases people’s sentiments on separation that may eventually lead to political instability. The Nigerian army’s invasion of Nnamdi Kanu’s home happened 24 hours after it announced the commencement of its operation Python Dance (Part Two) in the South-Eastern states (Ogbonnaya-Ikokwu, 2017).

The IPOB leader’s home invasion has not brought any peace between the agitators and the Nigerian government. As made known by Adonu (2018), some Biafrans were taken away and killed in cold blood without any cause at the time of September 2017 operation’s Python Dance and they have not been buried until now. Similarly, the rally organized in honor of Donald Trump’s victory resulted into violence leading to 11 deaths and injuries of many (BBC news, 2017).

The Nigerian federal government has gone ahead to proscribe IPOB and designate them a terrorist group through a court judgment. According to a report by Scannews (2018), on the 20th of September 2017, Justice Kafarati with an order proscribed IPOB and designated it a terrorist group upon an ex parte application by the attorney general of the federation and minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami. Declaring the group a terrorist group implies that the group from now will be handled as terrorists by the security forces if they should be found gathering or engaging in any of their activities (Gabriel, Agbakwuru, Yakubu & Agbo, 2017)

 

 

One other implication is that anyone found guilty of belonging to IPOB, could be made to serve 20 years in prison when convicted and as provided by section 2 (3) (i) of the terrorism (prevention) acts 2011: a person who belongs to a proscribed organization commits an offence under this Act and shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for a maximum term of 20 years (Obiejesi, 2018, p.1).

The question that bothers the mind presently is, whether there is a relationship between IPOB’s agitations for self-determination and the responses of the federal government of Nigeria? And then, what are the implications for political stability with respect to the relationship between IPOB’s agitations for self-determination and the responses of the federal government of Nigeria? The present study unravels different ways the Nigerian government has responded to the group (IPOB) on their agitations for self-determination. The study also avails more information on how the agitation of IPOB has affected political stability in Nigeria. The research reveals the different ways the Nigerian government has responded to the group (IPOB) on their agitations for self-determination. Additionally, through this inquiry, contributions are made on how the Nigerian government can be aided in the formulation of policies on how to handle agitating groups and how to ensure that there is a minimal number of agitating groups in the country thereby maintaining political stability in the country. The paper is structured into five sections; introduction, literature review, theoretical framework, methodology, conclusion and recommendations.

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Comparative Analysis of Nigeria Foreign Policy Under Muhammadu Buhari Administration 2015-2021

Comparative Analysis of Nigeria Foreign Policy Under Muhammadu Buhari Administration 2015-2021

Abstract

This research paper provided a comparative analysis of foreign policy of Nigeria under Muhammadu Buhari’s military regime 1983- 1985 and his current civilian administration which started in May 2015. Foreign policy is a set of tools or activities developed by states to drive its interest in the international system, and internal and external factors usually influence this. The personality and environment of which leaders assumes leadership also plays an important in defining a state foreign policy. The objective of this paper is to provide a comparative analysis of Buhari’s foreign policy under his military and civilian administration. The research utilizes secondary data from journals, books, newspapers, government reports among others. The findings of the study shows the under Buhari’s military administration relations between Nigeria and ECOWAS was hostile which led to border closures, relations with Nigeria’s former colonial master, United Kingdom was also strained due which resulted to diplomatic rows between both countries, the Buhari administration also continued with Afrocentric policy with continuous call for end to apartheid and colonialism on the continent. While under his civilian government Buhari was able to create friendly relations with ECOWAS member nations, maintained good relations with UK and US, and improve the countries relations with China to improve the country’s economy. The paper concludes that the type of government and environment in the international system with which Buhari served played a role in shaping the foreign policy direction of the state.

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